Mobile Mediated Visualities
An Empirical Study of Visual Practices on Instagram
Elisa Serafinelli and Mikko Villi
Abstract
The escalation of photo sharing through social networking sites is one 
of the most substantial changes in mobile communication practice in 
recent years. The launch of smart mobile technologies represents a 
decisive moment in the production and observation of visualities with 
an elevated characteristic of digital shareability and reproducibility. 
Considering recent technological advancements and new social media 
services, this paper aims to study how social platforms and smart 
mobile devices are affecting individuals’ visual, social and digital 
practices. In particular, this paper examines the social exchange of 
photographs online in order to advance an in-depth reading of contem-
porary mobile media. The mobility afforded by smart mobile devices 
represents a fundamental condition that shapes the human-technol-
ogy relationship. The paper studies this condition by concentrating 
on the dynamic mobility of individuals, devices and visual informa-
tion. Methodologically, the paper employs a case study approach to 
analyse how Instagram affects individuals’ perception of their medi-
ated lives. Qualitative interviews formed the fieldwork and a sample 
of 44 Instagram users took part in the study. Visual content analysis 
of participants’ photo sharing further contributed to the investigation. 
Findings from the study show that the use of smart mobile devices con-
stitutes the development of new forms of mobile mediated visualities. 
The mobility and mediation afforded by smart mobile devices seem to 
establish new practices for producing and sharing images that push 
individuals to think visually of events, people and surroundings. These 
practices lead to the visual dataification of social practices and inten-
sify the quantity and variety of visual data shared online. Within this 
context, the visual hyper-representation of social practices is exempli-
fied by the current trend of giving to everything a visual justification 
(e. g. foodporn). In its conclusions, the paper offers a conceptual appa-
ratus that can help to understand contemporary social, digital and 
visual interactions.
DOI 10.14361/dcs-2017-0210
DCS | Digital Culture and Society | Vol. 3, Issue 2 | © transcript 2017
166 Elisa Seraf inelli and Mikko Villi
Introduction
The escalation of photo sharing through social networking sites is one of the most 
substantial changes in mobile communication practice in recent years. In many 
daily activities, indeed, it can be observed that a remarkable number of people 
cannot do without maintaining visual relationships with the events of their lives: 
from the coffee cup captured during a coffee break to the girls’ Friday night 
out. This rising practice of online photo sharing is enabled by the use of mobile 
devices. They play a crucial role in providing new opportunities for capturing and 
sharing photographs, especially online. These two trends intermingle in visual 
mobile communication (Villi 2010), i. e. the use of smart phones in photography 
and photographic communication.
A clear example of how these technological advancements draw new assets 
for contemporary sociality can be observed in the fact that people are not willing 
to buy a mobile phone without an embedded camera anymore (or that there would 
be many non‑camera models still available). With smart mobile devices photog‑
raphy has become so ubiquitous that the existence of events, people, and objects 
seems to be directly connected with being photographed (Kember/Zylinska 2012) 
and shared, we could add. In fact, the passage from physical sharing (face‑to‑face 
and through prints) to digital photo sharing (through the mediation of digital 
technologies) drives a significant increase in the production and the exchange 
of photographs. In social media, the ‘imperative of sharing’ (Van Dijck 2013) is 
in force and plays a central role in shaping the various types of social commu‑
nication. The mediated exchange of images is an example of how these social 
connections are built and maintained on a daily basis. As Gómez Cruz (2016) has 
noted, photography acts pronouncedly as an interface for visual communication, 
a ‘connective interface’.
Considering the progressive alterations in the media environment, in this 
paper we analyse the practices of photo sharing by taking into account affordances 
provided by social media and mobile communication. These affordances represent 
a decisive moment in the production, communication and use of photographs, and 
therefore this paper corresponds with the necessity to advance a critical under‑
standing around photo sharing as mobile media practice.
Theoretical Background
This paper builds its theoretical framework on the new paradigm advanced by 
Couldry (2004) that considers media not as text, but first and foremost as practice. 
Couldry emphasises that to understand the effects on people, the attention on 
media needs to move towards considering what people actually do with media. 
The notion of practice here offers the possibility to interpret life experiences 
in a media‑saturated world where certain practices, such as posting, tweeting, 
Mobile Mediated Visualit ies 167
liking, and photo sharing seem to become part of social norms. The practice‑
based approach does not intend to deny the interests of previous media research, it 
rather aims to broaden the focus on media from text to media practices that shape 
social life in a more general way (Couldry 2004). This continuity is manifested in 
practice theory: a branch of social theory centred on practices rather than struc‑
tures, systems, individuals or interactions (Bräuchler/Postill 2010). This approach 
offers to the investigation of media phenomena a new way to address questions 
related to the role of social media in everyday life, in particular considering the 
ubiquitous presence and use of social media platforms.
Another important strand of thought for this paper is mediation and what 
is defined as ‘mediated’ phenomena (Parikka 2012). To help understand this 
approach Parikka (2012) introduces the idea of ‘new materialism’ that intends to 
illustrate the way technical media transmit and process cultures in a way that sees 
mediated processes as embedded in ephemeral, even though real, things (authors’ 
emphasis). In other words, this theorisation (as media theory) looks at where the 
materiality in discussing media actually is, i. e. in practices. From this perspec‑
tive, the focus moves from understanding media objects (such as user‑generated 
content) to understanding the practices that mediation generates through the 
use of social media and smart mobile devices. Mediation is a complex and hybrid 
process that results from the flows of production, circulation, interpretation and 
recirculation (Couldry 2008) of objects.
Mediation is an everyday condition that defines new social behaviours. To 
investigate this condition, Kember and Zylinska (2012) challenge the tradi‑
tional questions about photography (e. g. truth and indexicality of photography) 
and suggest understanding photography rather as an active practice of cutting 
through the flow of mediation. This shift can be observed in the intensification of 
photographs with hashtags such as #selfies, #foodporn, #picoftheday that testify 
the importance of showing an online presence. The idea of ‘being‑as‑mediated’ 
(Kember/Zylinska 2012: 40) differentiates the understanding of digital practices. 
Following this approach, the analysis of images (the object) extends toward the 
analysis of the practices of photo sharing (the process) and the effects of media‑
tion.
To understand photo sharing as online visual practice, taking into account 
images only would be limitative. Rather, it is important to consider a plurality of 
agencies, i. e. the interrelations between users, images, practises and socio‑cultural 
influences (Pink 2007). In fact, photo sharing, as digital practice, is shaped by the 
combination of connectivity and the convergence of media, and this condition plays 
a crucial role in the development of digital practices. This is the reason why the 
concept of mediation is of importance in theorising new media phenomena.
In studying digital practices, it is important to keep in mind that mobile 
devices present an efficient vehicle for interpersonal connections (Serafinelli 
2017). They remove social barriers and increase connectivity and access to digital 
content. Through their use, they also increase the activity of taking photographs, 
168 Elisa Seraf inelli and Mikko Villi
altering the content of images, and the way they are shared and edited (Serafinelli 
2017). This shows that advancements in smart mobile technology contribute to 
the intense circulation of photographs in social media platforms and elsewhere in 
the digital environment, creating fertile ground for the interconnection between 
digital technologies and the development of new mediated practices.  In these 
interpersonal connections, reciprocity seems to define the main motivation that 
shapes sociality online (Granieri 2005). Other motivations that guide people to 
participate in online communities are enjoyment, commitment to the community, 
self‑development, and reputation gaining (Lakhani/Wolf 2005). Online platforms 
are environments where users provide content, advice, and services and where 
collaborative behaviours are awarded.
In the context of mediation, media platforms and mobile devices become part 
of people’s daily social experiences. The convergent environment of ‘mobile inter‑
faces’ (Farman 2011), where devices intersect with social and spatial spaces, creates 
new forms of virtual and imaginative travels combined with physical ones (Sheller/
Urry 2006). To explain this change, Sheller and Urry (2006) argue for the turn 
towards the ‘new mobilities paradigm’, which does not simply advocate mobility 
in today’s world but rather focuses on the speed and intensity of flows of people, 
objects and information. This paradigm also explains social interactions between 
people located in distant physical spaces. This approach considers the concept of 
portability a central element in the discourse on smart mobile devices (Siapera 
2012), emphasising that they allow people to bring their own media everywhere. 
Both mobile devices and mobile interfaces appear independent of locality, thus 
determining paradigmatic changes in social habits towards what Farman (2012) 
would define as reconfiguration of practices in the digital age.
In sum, this paper examines different ways of using smart mobile devices, 
explaining their ubiquitous use and the role they play in experiencing everyday 
sociality. An insightful analysis of motivations, organisation, and transformations 
of the practices of photo sharing is fundamental to understand how social media 
affects the visual experience of everyday life. Considering the rising dependence 
on technology, this paper investigates the uses of smart mobile devices and how 
they affect people’s visual experience of their surroundings. To do so, this paper 
analyses the features of the popular photo sharing platform Instagram – a smart 
phone app that enables users to capture, edit, and share photos on various social 
networks – identifying the key elements that shape contemporary mechanisms of 
visual communication.
Considering the ubiquitous use of smart mobile devices, this paper interro‑
gates whether and how the co-presence of the mobility of devices and the mediation 
of platforms changes the way people experience their everyday life. To answer this 
research question, we examine the ways the digital practices of photo sharing 
contribute to these changes. Through an empirical examination of digital prac‑
tices, this paper delineates the development of new forms of visual communica‑
tion.
Mobile Mediated Visualit ies 169
Data and Method
Qualitative computer‑mediated interviews formed the fieldwork for this paper. A 
sample of 44 Instagram users took part in the study. 29 participants were inter‑
viewed via Skype and 15 participants responded to open questions that were sent 
via email1. The sampling was accomplished entirely online circumscribing the 
investigation within Instagram user groups and owners of smart mobile devices. 
Following the interviews, visual content analysis was implemented to expand the 
interview data.
Since the goal of data collection was to gather photographs and understand 
Instagram users’ behaviours, Facebook was recognised as the main platform 
where users converse. After Facebook bought Instagram in 2012 there has been 
a rise in the number of Instagram users, partly because of the visibility afforded 
by Facebook. The call for participants was spread out on Instagram communi‑
ties’ Facebook pages. After the first approach through the social network, parti‑
cipants who had responded positively were approached via private email. The 
email that participants received consisted of a general description of the study 
and a consent form with the explanation of the treatment of personal data, which 
gave us permission to follow their Instagram feed and use their photographs 
for academic purposes. The target population did not have particular restric‑
tions in terms of gender, race and education. The demographic of this study was 
formed by 29 males and 15 females between 24 and 52 years old. Participants 
represented a large geographical mix (Italy, United Kingdom, Germany, Poland, 
USA, Canada, Spain, Finland, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Argentina, Turkey, 
and Iran).
The netnographic approach, a qualitative method that is specialised for the 
unique computer‑mediated contingency of today’s social world (Kozinets 2015), 
was adopted to combine together the different data sources (interviews and photo‑
graphs). Social sciences are increasingly reaching the conclusion that they can no 
longer adequately understand many of the most important facets of social and 
cultural life without incorporating computer‑mediated communication into their 
study. We employed netnography in order to go beyond the mere observation of 
online phenomena and aim to understand online social interactions within the 
context of analysis. Netnography was used to examine photo sharing following 
the idea that analysing visual content is almost impossible without taking into 
account the context in which the visual is produced and finally received (Bock et 
al. 2011). In addition, we also considered how photographs alone do not represent 
emotions, social relations, relations of power and exploitation, but they need to be 
1 This approach was developed to prevent lack of data caused by the potential inability 
of recruiting participants willing to do an in‑depth interview. Thus, it was decided to 
give participants the opportunity to choose how to conduct the interview.
170 Elisa Seraf inelli and Mikko Villi
contextualised with verbal discourses or other knowledge in order to invoke such 
experiences (Pink 2007).
Through qualitative interviews, it is possible to understand experiences and 
reconstruct events in which the researcher does not participate (Rubin/Rubin 
2005). Through the in‑depth description of social processes, interviews allow an 
additional understanding of ways and reasons why things change. In this study, 
the main purpose of the use of qualitative interviews was to find out in the context 
of photo sharing what happened, why and what it meant more broadly (Rubin/
Rubin 2005). To discover causes, explain and understand the digital practices of 
photo sharing, participants were asked to show, justify, and comment on photo‑
graphs in relation to their responses. Additional questions were also asked to 
explore critical themes (such as privacy and ethics). This approach elicited more 
details without changing the main focus.
The visual analysis of participants’ photographs extended the understanding 
by focusing more on their disclosures and experiences. Participants were asked 
to provide their Instagram nickname in order to be observed (followed) online by 
one of the two researchers. The visual data collection was limited to two months 
for the 29 participants who took part in the Skype interviews. In the case of the 15 
participants interviewed by email visual examples were studied only if they were 
specifically mentioned. The two‑month period included different events, such as 
working days, leisure time, national holidays, and vacations, producing a more 
complete view of the variety of participants’ photo sharing. Their photo sharing 
was interpreted through the classification of visual materials and the contextu‑
alisation of participants’ communicative acts (Bowler 2010). Through a qualita‑
tive content analysis, the visual data were translated into categories (holiday, land‑
scape, food etc.), identifying themes and common patterns.
This study did not include semiotic visual analysis. It rather identified the 
correspondence of meanings through the qualitative analysis of both interviews 
and images. In the analysis, we did not examine photographs as evidence of the 
‘who’, ‘where’ and ‘what’ of reality, but rather as interpretations of how their 
makers perceived and (re‑)constructed it. The analysis followed the idea that while 
images alone reveal nothing, they are given ethnographic meaning when linked 
to other types of knowledge (Pink 2015).
Motivations, Organisation,  
and Transformations of Photo Sharing on Instagram
Data analysis is broken down into three sections: motivations, organisation, and 
transformations in the practices of photo sharing. This subdivision aims to provide 
a clear exploration of the phases that form the digital practice of photo sharing, 
highlighting factors that shape Instagram users’ approach to visual communica‑
tion and how previous habits are transformed.
Mobile Mediated Visualit ies 171
Practices of Photo Sharing on Instagram
The relationship between mobile devices and photography affects the advance‑
ment of new photo sharing practices, emphasising the utility of the practice‑based 
approach (Couldry 2004). The example provided by Participant 13 illustrates well 
the connection between mobility and photography:
‘I have a photo I shot at the train platform in Florence of a guy and a girl where for sure she 
was leaving for far away. She had suitcases. He was crying like mad […] but this super 
passionate kiss … I swear! I could snap it at less than a meter away. My mobile was here and 
they were next to me, and this is something that with the camera it’s not possible. […] That 
is something you say “I put it on Instagram now or never!”’ (See fig. 1).
Figure 1: Kiss at the train station.Instagram, 2014. 
Source: https://instagram.com/mimicimme
This response shows how the mobility afforded by smart mobile devices organ‑
ises sociality around devices that enable people to be individually mobile and also 
create spheres of connection “on the go” (Sheller/Urry 2006). Instagram seems to 
be enhancing customised networking systems, which empower people’s interac‑
tions and mobile connectivity (ibid) in a way that diverges from such sociality that 
is based on close physical relationships. In this, photographs represent in‑material 
and non‑solid objects (Parikka 2012) that hold social lives together. The easy access 
to social media platforms and the portability of devices help people see in daily 
life opportunities for sharing visual experiences and establishing their presence 
online.
As discussed in the theoretical background section, being online is an inter‑
active and creative practice formed often by the principle of reciprocity and the 
philosophy of “give and take”, where media representations offer constant mutual 
recognitions (Couldry 2004). Participants in our study reported that being an 
active user is ‘very rewarding’ especially when receiving social interaction such 
as likes, positive comments, and feedback. This type of interaction is similar to 
the motivations of self‑satisfaction and recognition described by Lakhani and 
Wolf (2005). It follows that sharing photographs makes sense when there is social 
172 Elisa Seraf inelli and Mikko Villi
interaction and reciprocity (Granieri 2005). Social responses and the creation of 
social relationships, indeed, support the continuation of the Instagram experience 
(Serafinelli 2017). This again supports Couldry’s (2004) emphasis on media prac‑
tices as socially‑informed activities.
Initially, participants in our study were asked why they chose Instagram 
rather than another photo sharing platform, and in their responses it is evident 
that curiosity and friends’ suggestions influenced their initial choice for trying 
the new platform. These responses underline how the spirit of connectivity (Van 
Dijck 2013) pushes users to follow their peers’ behaviours and, consequently, the 
use of Instagram.
Participant 5 stresses the innovative potential of the Instagram platform. 
Thanks to the invention of mobile cameras, in fact, individuals are more willing to 
capture photographs of what happens around them because now they have a place 
to share them (Cohen 2005). An example of this is explained by Participant 23. She 
describes her engagement with the platform as follows:
There are situations, moments, objects that make me say ‘I need to be Instagramming this!’ 
[…]. One of the last photos I took was in Taormina three weeks ago. I went to Taormina when 
there was the lava rain. Basically, I was seeing pieces of lava. And that was a moment that I 
must share. Snap and share! (see fig. 2).
Figure 2: Lava rain in Taormina. Instagram, 2014. 
Source: https://instagram.com/erikarotella
This response, together with the one provided by Participant 13, are only two 
examples that show a common interest in sharing photos of particular events. 
From this, it can be seen that situations and events push individuals to consider 
images in association with the platform. The use of a precise verb ‘to Instagram’ 
connected with the practices of sharing photos on Instagram leads to think about 
the evident change that the platform makes. The notion of mobility here explains 
how communication technologies increasingly mediate people’s life experiences. 
Indeed, theorising the new mobilities paradigm, Sheller and Urry (2006) suggest 
paying attention to these processes. In fact, through the responses provided by 
Participant 13 and 23 these conditions emerge clearly together with a strong interest 
in the use of photographs to recreate events and locations.
Mobile Mediated Visualit ies 173
Many responses stress the importance of the mobility of smart phones also 
in capturing worthy images. The emphasis on the mobility of devices makes the 
difference in visual production. Participants experience the mobility offered by 
smart mobile devices as a crucial element in capturing new scenarios because, 
as Parikka (2012) emphasises, that they are not limited to locality. The chance 
of taking photographs at anytime and anywhere enhances the possibilities of 
capturing situations, objects and moments that ‘must’ be posted on Instagram. 
Participant 2 describes this phenomenon as “a continuous telling in real time what 
you are doing many times … [however, photo sharing] makes you miss out maybe 
some of what you’re doing, a bit of the value of the event that you are following”. 
Photo sharing appears here to be a practice that describes sociality online, 
connecting people and their experiences visually. Social digital practices locate 
users and connect them to one another (Couldry 2004). In describing digital prac‑
tices, it is important to comprehend the reasons that motivate users in expressing 
their digital sociality visually.
Motivations of Photo Sharing
In order to understand the role of Instagram in shaping new digital practices, 
participants were asked to explain the reasons and describe what drives their 
online photo sharing, providing, where possible, visual examples. Personal satis‑
faction, reciprocity, and experiencing new images were recognised as the main 
reasons. Motivations can be understood with reference to uses and gratifications 
theory, which is helpful for analysing how specific forms of media use (in this case 
photo sharing) are connected to ‘digital gratifications’, such as the adoption of new 
roles in online communities (Villi/Noguera 2017).
Participants share photos on Instagram aware that their audience is formed by 
a variety of users, mainly strangers, who share the same passion for photography. 
Considering the visibility afforded by the platform, they aim to share ‘shareable 
images’, i. e. images that the vast majority of users can appreciate. This common 
approach follows the intent of reaching a high number of followers re‑marking the 
principles of reciprocity (Granieri 2005) and personal satisfaction (Lakhani/Wolf 
2005). Users, indeed, enjoy sharing photos online because they feel it is an act of 
mutual concession and recognition, as Couldry (2004) would argue. In this case, 
the principle of reciprocity is based on the expectation of seeing photos shared by 
other users. In other words, what motivates users to share their visual experiences 
and unconventional scenarios is the fact that consequently other users will share 
images as well. In this mechanism of “give and take”, users experience feelings of 
personal satisfaction in social interactions, such as likes, comments and followings.
The findings show that the main reason participants share photos on Insta‑
gram is to produce photographs that a wide number of users are willing to appre‑
ciate, together with the expectation to receive positive comments and feedback. In 
relation to this the response given by Participant 22 demonstrates how:
174 Elisa Seraf inelli and Mikko Villi
One of the reasons why I started to share more was because other people who were sharing 
started to inspire me. I could honestly go to Instagram right now and see … I call them 
visual dispatches, but I mean, I can see photographs from Africa, Italy, Spain, Russia and 
others. I can see them from all over the world and see a tiny portal into someone’s world. 
And I thought “well, it’s a kind of sharing/social thing you give me, I give something”. So, 
for me this is just what motivated me to share back.
This response summarises well users’ general tendency to share their photo‑
graphs in relation to other users’ practices and interactions on the platform. This 
response demonstrates how the concept of new materialism (Parikka, 2012) can 
be used to interpret the practice of photo sharing considering the in‑materiality of 
communication when formed by digital content. Smart mobile devices, in fact, do 
not only show how people can ‘do’ things and ‘talk’ to people without being physi‑
cally in the same place (Sheller/Urry 2006), but demonstrate how the practices of 
photo sharing are embedded in a more ephemeral world (Parikka 2012).
Again, the principles of reciprocity (Granieri 2005) and self‑satisfaction 
(Lakhani/Wolf 2005) represent here an incentive to share more photographs. 
Regarding this, Participant 26 describes his motivation as follows:
People started to notice me. I got very good comments and I spent the first six months trying 
to make good pictures and good captions. And people started to comment “Your pictures 
make my day!” or “Your captions are really great!”. And all the comments encourage you to 
keep doing what you are doing.
As can be seen, receiving positive comments seems to foster users’ engagement 
with other users and increases their visibility and activity on the platform. Moreover, 
participants report that the more they receive positive feedback and comments the 
more they are motivated to share images, thereby potentially receiving further 
positive comments.
Additionally, photo sharing can also be motivated by the presence of certain 
emotions that occur with images.  In particular, ‘being in a good mood’ seems 
to stimulate users’ motivation in sharing photographs. Participants recognise in 
their photo sharing the intent to share experiences and emotions through images 
in such a way that is reminiscent of the notion of reverberation as opposed to 
that of ‘representation’, ‘narration’ or ‘impact’ (Karatzogianni/Kuntsman 2012). 
Through this, photo sharing appears as a way to convey people’s feelings following 
the intent of sharing ‘shareable experiences’. For instance, on pleasing other users, 
Participant 17 comments:
On social media people don’t care about the photos but they care about the experiences, 
right? For instance, yesterday I went to a coffee tasting event in a coffee shop. People like 
things because they see themselves doing the same things. […] If I am somewhere doing 
something and I think people like it, I will post it (see fig. 3). 
Mobile Mediated Visualit ies 175
Figure 3: Coffee break photo. Instagram, 2014. 
Source: https://instagram.com/inayali
This response shows that there is interest in sharing personal emotions with 
those who are not physically present. This approach follows the idea of mediated 
presence (Villi 2015) which considers mediation as the dynamic logic through 
which to interpret the practices of photo sharing. Participants in our study reported 
that, in this way, images convey additional messages through the mere informa‑
tion shown. In fact, most of the time photo sharing involves feelings, as Partici-
pant 7 explains: “Photography for me is emotion and passion and so I try to share 
the same the emotions that I felt in the moment I saw that particular shot. I try to 
share it with others. My aim is to try to make others empathise with my persona 
when observing my photo”. Through this response it can be said that the intent in 
sharing shareable images is determined by the personal emotional engagement 
with the subject (see fig. 4), but also with the practice itself. In this case, it is visible 
how the changing structures of feelings and emotions within everyday digital 
culture (Karatzogianni/Kuntsman 2012) appear on Instagram through such 
images that aim to convey significations going beyond mere visual pleasure.
Figure 4:. Sharing empathy and emotions. 
Instagram, 2014. Source: https://instagram.com/ 
giuliotolli
To fulfil their aims (experiencing personal satisfaction, reciprocity and new images), 
participants carefully plan their photo sharing in all its stages (i. e. shot, editing, 
caption and time of photo sharing) following precise guidelines. Regarding this, 
176 Elisa Seraf inelli and Mikko Villi
Participant 2 comments: “Instagram must be seen as a means of sharing, like a 
shop window for the work you produce or also for your daily life”. Indeed, the moti‑
vations of reciprocity (Granieri 2005) and self‑satisfaction (Lakhani/Wolf 2005) in 
combination with the intent of reaching high numbers of followers, as illustrated 
above, lead towards a careful organisation of photo sharing. The most frequent 
responses that emerged in relation to the organisational aspect were connected 
firstly to the frequency of photo sharing and secondly to the personal photographic 
style. As Participant 7 explains: “Initially, I was much more active both posting so 
many photos that at a certain point I said to myself ‘Oh my God! I need to stop 
because if I identify myself with others …’ there could be someone saying, ‘this 
guy is annoying with all these photos!’”.
Organisation of Photo Sharing
Participants report careful planning of photo sharing mainly to ensure visibility to 
their images. To organise effective photo sharing participants adhere three main 
strategies: following their own personal photographic style, posting at specific 
times (time bands) and sharing a set number of photographs (precise frequency 
of sharing). An additional way of organising content is the well‑thought choice 
of hashtags and geo‑tags. In fact, careful photo sharing seems often to be more 
important than the rapidity of photo sharing.
The temporal organisation is showed in the time bands of photo sharing. The 
frequency of organisation is connected to the number of uploads per day, week, or 
month. Content organisation, instead, follows an identifiable photographic style, 
such as themes or styles, storytelling, and particularities. Participants upload and 
observe photographs during precise moments in their daily routine. Indeed, they 
combine coffee breaks with Instagram, lunch with Instagram, waiting at the bus 
stop with Instagram. Their practices of photo sharing seem to be routinised in 
combination with other activities. This modality creates in the followers a state 
of expectation and regular habits. Thus, the term ‘organisation’ is here used to 
describe the phenomena as all participants do not follow the fundamental prin‑
ciple of instant photo sharing, rather they follow precise guidelines that, often, are 
distributed throughout time and daily rituals.
In relation to temporal organisation, the guideline related to the time band 
of photo sharing is particularly useful for increasing the number of followers. 
Participant 14 described the organisation of his photo sharing as follows:
I post pictures at 12 pm, 2:30 pm and 5 pm, London time. Even when I was in Australia, 
12 pm, 2:30 pm, 5 pm, London time. I was in Israel. I was in New York. Anywhere I go it 
would be the same time. Why? Because I consider as I am doing a magazine, I am sharing 
the story of my life through a magazine. I am the publisher and I am the editor and I decide 
what I want to do and I do it at the same time, and I find it amazing.
Mobile Mediated Visualit ies 177
Considering that the aim of this approach is to collect a high number of followers 
it is easily understandable that users perceive this guideline to also enhance their 
personal satisfaction (Lakhani/Wolf 2005) and recognition (Couldry 2004).
Participant 26 highlights the importance of frequency in the following way:
There is not a single picture or a single caption that made me popular. The basic thing that 
made me popular has been constant posting every day over a year and always trying to keep 
the quality high. Telling others what they should do and posting pictures every day. That’s 
the main thing.
This response is only one of the examples that confirms how the imperative 
of sharing (Van Dijck 2011) shapes users’ practices on social media platforms. 
It demonstrates that many mediated practices (constant posting every day) and 
social interactions (telling other what they should do) have become part of daily 
routines. This also keeps users motivated to maintain their presence online.
Finally, regarding content organisation we observed that users tend to think 
of their photo sharing as a ‘whole’ rather than a sequence of independent pictures. 
This guideline makes visible a sense of continuity in the entire stream of photos 
and renders the fruition of the photographic stream fluid and visually pleasant. 
Participant 19 firmly believes that for a good experience of the Instagram platform 
users should identify the objective of their photographic sharing and the type 
of story they intend to share on the platform. He labels this his ‘photographic 
project’, explaining its importance by how
The photographic project is what allows anyone who gets through your profile to under‑
stand your intent. […] The principle is pretty easy out there; there are 180 million active 
users per month. You, with your photographic profile, need to catch the attention of those 
who like the kind of things you do, but the genre of things you do needs to be very clear on 
for those who come across you.
This response evidences the importance of telling stories with digital technologies 
(Alexander 2011; Scolari 2009) in order to engage with other users and establish 
an effective presence online.
The principle of storytelling figures as one of the most used ways of organ‑
ising photo sharing, and often takes the form of a personal visual diary. Partici-
pant 14 describes his way of telling stories using a personal account and an addi‑
tional account that he created for his dog, Izo (called @theizotime). He explains 
this choice in the following way:
I also know something thanks to the TV that I work for, to tell a story. I think that it is 
super important that when you are on Instagram you need to tell a story’ […] ‘I opened Izo’s 
account and again with Izo I decided to see like “What is Izo’s story? What am I trying to 
178 Elisa Seraf inelli and Mikko Villi
say?” […] So, I tried to make Izo my alter ego […] so, Izo is basically saying all those things 
that, maybe, I don’t want to say.
This response exemplifies the concept of ‘being‑as‑mediated’ (Kember/Zylinska 
2012), a combination of users’ interest in sharing photos as a way to define their 
online presence through personal narrative contributions.
Another common way of organising content was identified in the search for 
visual particularities. Participants report that their Instagram planning includes 
specifically unconventional imageries. To describe this Participant 28 comments: 
“It is boring to see the perfect Eiffel tower or the perfect building in New York. 
That is not a new photo, it is just a scan”. Sharing photos of unordinary situations 
and particular scenarios comes from the interest in arousing other users’ curi‑
osity and making the personal account stand out among the multitude of 
accounts. A significant number of participants disclose interest in what they are 
not used to seeing, such as distant places and uncommon scenes. These new 
visual experiences are facilitated by the mobility and connectivity of the devices. 
Participant 29’s account is an example of this. Fig. 5 also shows how the porta‑
bility of smart mobile devices allows to capture scenes instantly anywhere, 
remarking how technological advancements allow new digital practices (Parikka 
2012).
Figure 5: London. People under the underground. 
Instagram, 2014. Source: https://instagram.
com/peopleontheunderground
Transformation of Photo Sharing
As discussed in the previous sections, it is possible to observe how smart mobile 
devices play a crucial role in shaping the digital practices (Couldry 2008) of 
photo sharing, following the foundation laid by the theories of mediation, new 
materialism and mobility (Parikka 2012; Sheller/Urry 2006; Kember/Zylinska 
2012). Indeed, all participants in our study report in their daily use of Instagram 
several modifications compared to their earlier photographic practices. These 
transformations are identifiable in the constant search for photo opportunities, 
Mobile Mediated Visualit ies 179
seeing beauty in the surroundings, and framing images as squares. Participants 
assume that the transformations of the practices of photo sharing are not so 
much related to the use of the platform. Instead, they believe that real trans‑
formations originate from the invention of camera phones and, afterwards, of 
smart phones.
The participants describe themselves in a constant search of imageries to 
draw out, highlighting that the use of smart phones shapes the way they think 
visually. As Participant 3 comments: “It helps me to see things more as photo 
opportunities. Above and beyond just looking for Instagram photos. It is a really 
good medium. The ability to see even more beauty in situations”. This response 
shows arguably that the use of smart phones shapes the way people think visually 
and the practices that arise from the use of Instagram, demonstrating the changes 
that devices make in people’s behaviours and how, as Couldry (2004) argues, 
these changes guide people to incorporate the devices and smart phone apps more 
and more in their daily routines.
This is epitomised in the observation of Participant 7 on how
it [Instagram] made a change in my way of watching things. I mean, before if I was in a situ‑
ation thinking “Ok, I am here” and stop. Now, finding myself in the same situation I could 
make 3,000 more thoughts and seek something to extract from it. Instagram helped me a 
lot in this precisely because I photograph, even mentally, a place. Before seeking to extract 
from that place emotions to share with others would never have happened.
In fact, all participants report that their use of Instagram has gradually changed 
since their first experiences of the platform, and that their daily use has progressed 
towards new ways of consuming and producing images. This shows also a progres‑
sive improvement in users’ literacy in photography and social media use in a more 
general way. For instance, Participant 10 says about the platform that “at the begin‑
ning I didn’t know how it was working and I was posting photos without any 
reason”.
The main changes that participants experience through the use of Instagram 
are related to the way they look at their surroundings and the increased visual 
attention they invest in observing them. For instance, Participant 13 mentions how 
“I have been passing by that [wall] 250 million times because I pass it by every day 
because going to catch the train. That day, I had never seen it until that moment 
[of photography and sharing].” (see fig. 6). Users’ visual attention towards the 
surroundings is augmented because of Instagram use, thereby shaping mediated 
practices (Couldry 2004).
180 Elisa Seraf inelli and Mikko Villi
Figure 6: Tuttomondo, murals in Pisa. 
#stopthewomenoicide photo campaign. 
Instagram, 2014. Source: https://instagram.
com/ mimicimme
This mobile augmented visual attention also modifies participants’ presence at 
events. The use of the mobile phone changes incisively people’s experiences of the 
surroundings because the experiences are mediated through the screens of their 
mobile devices. The device appears to take a middle position between people and 
objects, giving people a completely different (mediated) experience of events.
Conclusion: The Mediated Practice of Photo Sharing
The aim of this paper was to advance a critical analysis of the mediated practice of 
photo sharing that is experienced through the use of the smart phone application 
Instagram. The analysis formed around three elements in the practice of photo 
sharing: motivations, organisation, and transformations. According to our study, 
personal satisfaction (Lakhani/Wolf 2005), reciprocity (Granieri 2005) and expan‑
sion of visual knowledge are the main reasons that motivate users’ activity on the 
Instagram platform. Users’ gratification is recognised as a reason that enhances 
the digital practice of photo sharing. The second element, organisation of photo 
sharing, describes  the ways and reasons that drive users to plan carefully their 
mediated practices of photo sharing. Within this, three ways of organisation were 
identified: styles and themes, storytelling, and search for visual particularities. 
Discussing the significant transformations in the practice of photo sharing, this 
paper indicated how the use of Instagram changes users’ visual experience of 
the immediate surroundings that they live and move in (see Sheller/Urry 2006). 
Mobility, in particular, allows the expansion towards the ‘snap, share and move 
on’ culture. This modification discloses also an increased attention toward ‘photo 
opportunities’. Arguably, the fact that Instagram produces an augmented percep‑
tion of and connection with physical surroundings is derived from the mobility 
of smart devices. This finding is connected strongly to our research question 
focusing on how the co‑presence of the mobility of devices and the mediation of 
platforms changes the way people experience their everyday life.
Mobile Mediated Visualit ies 181
Through the empirical analysis of interview data and photographs, this paper 
has demonstrated changes in the social practices of photo sharing that are facili‑
tated by the affordances of smart technologies (mediation and mobility). These 
changes express how digital photography can be rethought as a social practice. In 
fact, this paper has responded to the necessity to focus on the processes of media‑
tion (Parikka 2012; Kember/Zylinska 2012) rather than studying photographs as 
objects when interpreting social practices related to photography in the mobile, 
social media environment. The paradigm of media as practice (Couldry 2004) 
is most visible in the attention that users invest in photographing for sharing. In 
this context, Couldry’s (2004) theorisation exemplifies what people do with social 
media (Instagram) and devices (mobile communication) and how their use affects 
daily digital practices (photo sharing). Overall, this paper has offered a conceptual 
apparatus – built upon the co‑presence of the mobility of smart mobile devices, 
the mediation of social media platforms, and the practices of photo sharing – that 
helps to comprehend the development of new digital phenomena.
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